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By Michael Donnelly

In 1978 Italy handed a deeply radical legislations ultimate all its psychological healthiness hospitals. This was once the fruits of the expansion and improvement of a truly powerful anti-psychiatry stream which had sprung up within the past due 1960's. either the legislation, the circulate, and its aftermath were a lot mentioned in Britain, the US and different ecu nations end result of the have to reassess their very own psychological healthiness care guidelines, yet prior to now there was an absence of trustworthy literature on which to base the dialogue. The Politics of psychological wellbeing and fitness in Italy presents for the 1st time a scholarly and intensely balanced account of occasions and phenomena which have been formerly awarded in a extra idiosyncratic and polemical type. Michael Donnely introduces, records and reviews severely at the 3 stages of the Italian event: the past due sixties psychological future health move; the drafting and passage of the 1978 legislations; and the aftermath of deinstitutionalisation, which has disenchanted its supporters and saved the total subject on the centre of public debate.

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The Politics of Mental Health in Italy

In 1978 Italy handed a deeply radical legislations final all its psychological future health hospitals. This was once the end result of the expansion and improvement of a really powerful anti-psychiatry circulate which had sprung up within the overdue 1960's. either the legislation, the stream, and its aftermath were a lot mentioned in Britain, the United States and different ecu nations as a result of the have to re-examine their very own psychological well-being care rules, yet in the past there was a scarcity of trustworthy literature on which to base the dialogue.

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Extra resources for The Politics of Mental Health in Italy

Sample text

The public role of psychiatry was in many ways reshaped by the 1904 law. Although the law frustrated many psychiatrists’ aspirations, the discipline as a whole undoubtedly benefited from the public recognition which the law extended. The law gave it ‘a new prominence, both in the scientific community and in the sphere of social control, where psychiatry could claim to represent more “modern” and less crude techniques than those traditionally used in penal institutions’ (Canosa 1979: 97). For better or worse psychiatry became tied up still more closely with the manicomio (asylum); even if it represented a compromise on certain therapeutic ideals, running the asylum would allow psychiatry to link up its humanitarian and philanthropic bent with its scientific and medical pursuits, and to pursue both while fulfilling the mandate to protect society from the dangerously mad.

The 1959 Mental Health Act in Britain and the ‘bold new initiative’ in 1963 proposing community mental health centres in the USA, were contrasted pointedly with the repressive 1904 law which was still ‘scandalously’, in the view of its critics, in force in Italy. There was also an accumulation of frustrations from earlier, failed efforts to get the system moving. In 1951 and again in 1953 a proposal had been presented in Parliament to modify the 1904 law, which in essence would have shifted the problem of mental disorders from the public security to the public health realm.

In earlier periods there had of course been a medicine of insanity, and there were physicians who specialized in treating mental disorders, some of whom, like the Tuscan Chiarugi (1759–1820), achieved wide renown. Insanity remained nonetheless a special topic of general medicine. In so far as a separate field was distinguished it was based less on specific theoretical discussion or research than on the practical achievements of the asylum-keeper. Even here, the opportunities for developing a specialized practice were relatively few.

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