By Alison Pargeter
A brand new, absolutely up to date variation of this severely acclaimed identify that includes a brand new bankruptcy masking the 'Arab Spring' and the Egyptian parliamentary and presidential elections. this is often an authoritative research, within which Alison Pargeter follows the twists and turns of the Muslim Brotherhood because it battled over the years of oppression below authoritarian regimes to eventually turn into a key and legit political actor. From Egypt and Syria to Tunisia and Libya, the Brotherhood and its associates at the moment are confronted with the advanced job of reworking themselves from semi-clandestine competition pursuits into valid political actors and, on occasion, into ruling powers. ‘Authoritative, sober, perceptive … A needs to read’ Jason Burke. ‘A travel de force’ Alan George, collage of Oxford. ‘A hugely lucid and approachable research of the Brotherhood’ Richard Phelps, views on Terrorism. ‘Highly recommended’ New Statesman.
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Additional resources for The Muslim Brotherhood: From Opposition to Power
Sample text
By looking at the works of Muhammad al-Tunisï, Selim Qapudan, Rifa`ah Rafi` alTahtawï, and `Alï Mubärak, prominent men all writing at different points during Muhammad `Alï’s reign, this chapter examines how definitions of the relationship between Egypt and the Sudan changed as the latter became more effectively colonized. It also looks at concepts of “blackness” as described by each of these men, and how constructions of race hardened Introduction / 23 after the middle of the century, particularly in the work of Shaykh alTahtawï.
Imperial intervention could thus be figured as a linear, nonrevolutionary progression that naturally contained hierarchy within unity: paternal fathers ruling benignly over immature children. ” This is one of the important reasons why fictionalized Sudanese slaves appeared so often in the writings of nationalists in Egypt throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Given the layers of meaning surrounding these women, there is great irony in the fact that the six slaves left the courtroom and were placed in the Cairo Home for Freed Slaves, an institution created by the British as a sort of training and employment clearinghouse, where manumitted black women could find paying jobs, as domestics, keeping their connection to the institution of the family respectable.
My final chapter looks at the era of the 1919 revolution in Egypt, when demonstrations against the British grew widespread enough to win Egyptians a nominally independent parliament. It also analyzes the thinking of Huda Sha`rawï—the first Egyptian feminist, founder of the Egyptian Feminist Union, and a significant leader of the 1919 revolution—and how she treated the subject of the Sudan and the Sudanese, a subject she took seriously to heart. The chapter also examines how proponents of popular culture, such as the popular songwriter Sayyid Darwïsh and the vaudevillian star `Alï al-Kassär, used the question of the Sudan and the Sudanese to direct Egyptians of different classes to the cause of Egyptian unity against the British.