By H. Michael Erisman, John M. Kirk
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Economic normalization model is much more unilateral than reciprocal, which in effect would function to severely restrict the comparative advantages involved from the Cuban perspective. 15. S. S. companies as an export platform. By the late 1990s, however, such CBI incentives had been almost totally overshadowed by NAFTA. 16. See Maria Fornieles Sánchez, “Richard Copeland, President of the American Society of Travel Agents (ASTA), Advocates Lifting Ban on Travel to Cuba,” Granma International (10 April 2002).
12. For a more detailed presentation of this analysis, see Nelson Valdés, “Cuba and Angola: The Politics of Principles and Opportunism,” paper presented at the conference on the “Role of Cuba in World Affairs” at the University of Pittsburgh, 15–17 November 1977. 13. This line of analysis is developed much more fully in H. Michael Erisman, Cuba’s Foreign Relations in a Post-Soviet World (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000). 14. S. proponents of normalization, especially in Congress, are interested in the idea only insofar as it facilitates the selling of goods and services to the island.
This nonetheless is important because, before 1990, the embargo rarely figured as a foreign policy priority, whereas now it is central to those concerns. -based opponents of the embargo, commercial, political, and academic. Economic survival spills over into a second foreign policy priority: international leverage. This is, essentially, the small nation’s search for space, with the special features of Cuba’s history, location, and resources. Between 1962 and 42 / Antoni Kapcia 1989 this objective was focused on the contest between Washington and Moscow, but the post-1989 changes meant redefinition.