By Sam Moyo, Paris Yeros
This publication compares the trajectories of states and societies in Africa, Asia and Latin the US below neoliberalism, a time marked by means of serial monetary crises, escalating social conflicts, the re-militarisation of North-South family members and the radicalization of social and nationalist forces. Sam Moyo and Paris Yeros assemble researchers and activists from the 3 continents to evaluate the kingdom of nationwide sovereignty and the demanding situations confronted through renowned pursuits at the present time. They express that worldwide integration has widened social and nearby inequalities inside international locations, exacerbated ethnic, caste, and racial conflicts, and customarily decreased the bureaucratic capacities of states to intrude in a protective means. in addition, inequalities among the nations of the South have additionally widened. those structural tensions have all contributed to numerous targeted political trajectories between states: from fracture and overseas career, to radicalization and unsure re-stabilization. This e-book re-draws the controversy at the political economic system of the modern South and offers scholars of foreign reports with a big number of readings.
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Additional info for Reclaiming the Nation: The Return of the National Question in Africa, Asia and Latin America
Example text
Many publicly or jointly-owned industries in Africa were characterised by excess capacity, and one would have assumed that they would have supported regional integration, that is, that the widening of the market would have been beneficial. One would, therefore, have expected the managers of parastatals and joint ventures to be a force for regional integration. This, however, was not the case. The managers of these enterprises preferred the easy life of a proverbial big fish in a small pond. Heavily protected by high tariff barriers, quantitative import restrictions, and overvalued currencies, and also confronted with soft budget constraints, they felt no compulsion towards the search for external markets.
But flight from the lived realities of imperialism and its racialised modes of rule also cannot provide an adequate alternative mode of mobilisation; often its refuge of choice is ‘pure’ notions of capitalism and socialism. What is required once again is a critical engagement with nationalism – that is, neither an uncritical engagement, nor a critical disengagement. This further requires that we distinguish between nationalisms ‘from above’ and ‘from below’ and, moreover, nationalisms that are imperialist and those that are anti-imperialist.
It is also argued that the nation-building exercise has ‘fostered a patriotic symbolism created by structures put in place by European imperialists at the beginning of the colonial encounter’ and that ‘identities left in place by departing colonial powers are glorified and sanctimoniously revered’ (Prah 1998: 39). Such patriotism is often said to lead to the detachment of nationalism from its Pan-African moorings and thus to work against the Pan-African ideal. I believe, however, what was crucial was not so much that ‘patriotism’ undermined the Pan-African ideal, but that authoritarianism allowed only a very narrow brand of patriotism which often took on those attributes that made Samuel Johnson describe patriotism as ‘the last refuge of a scoundrel’ (Boswell 1900).