By Mariana Llanos (auth.)
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Extra info for Privatization and Democracy in Argentina: An Analysis of President-Congress Relations
Sample text
It gave a good performance on its own at the beginning of the 1980s, then allied with Peronism at the 1989 elections, but left it after Menem's turnaround. The socialist parties were divided into several groups of which the Socialist Unity and the Unified Socialist Party were the main ones. They formed a moderate sector active in Buenos Aires and the central-eastern provinces, and occasionally made electoral alliances with Radicalism. Therefore, the centre-left never exhibited a strong popular appeal in Argentina.
PeroÂn and the Peronists always regarded the unions as the `backbone of the movement', which added to PeroÂn's plebiscitary style of leadership, further weakened party institutionalization: first, PeroÂn and the unions, not the party, were the main political actors of the movement; second, the unions, which also had economic resources of their own, shared with the party the right to organize elections; third, PeroÂn exercised direct influence on the nomination of candidates, so that the party remained too weak to generate a middle level political elite by itself; fourth, restrictions on electoral participation from 1955 to 1972 did not suppress the Peronist sentiment, but contributed to diminishing the role of the party.
1994 constitutional reform Encouraged by previous electoral successes (the 1989 presidential elections, and the 1991 and 1993 congressional elections) and favourable opinion polls, Menem was determined to seek constitutional reform in order to get himself re-elected. However, to initiate the process of reform, he needed to obtain the support of two-thirds of the two Chambers of Congress, and this was practically impossible without the consent of the Radical Party. Thus, Menem would resort to other means to force a positive vote from the legislators, such as calling a plebiscite and pressing legislators to respect the decision of the people.