By Carlos De La Torre
Is Latin the US experiencing a resurgence of leftwing governments, or are we seeing a rebirth of national-radical populism? Are the governments of Hugo Chávez, Evo Morales, and Rafael Correa turning into institutionalized as those leaders declare novel versions of participatory and direct democracy? Or are they reenacting older traditions that experience preferred plebiscitary acclamation and clientelist distribution of assets to unswerving fans? Are we seeing genuine types of expression of the preferred will by means of leaders who've empowered these formerly disenfranchised? Or are those governments as charismatic, authoritarian, and messianic as their populist predecessors? This new and extended variation of Populist Seduction in Latin the USA explores the ambiguous relationships among democracy and populism and brings de los angeles Torre’s previous paintings brand new, evaluating classical nationalist, populist regimes of the Nineteen Forties, akin to these of Juan Perón and José María Velasco Ibarra, with their modern neoliberal and radical successors. De l. a. Torre explores their similarities and modifications, concentrating on their discourses and makes use of of political symbols and myths.
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Additional resources for Populist Seduction In Latin America: The Ecuadorian Experience (Ohio RIS Latin America Series)
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2 This chapter analyzes the dual process that produced Velasquismo. It examines how Velasco Ibarra was socially created and how he constructed himself into such a leader. Here I study a particular phase of Velasquismo: La Gloriosa. Given Velasquismo’s forty-year span, it would be an error to draw general conclusions about it from the study of the s. That era was particularly important, however, because it marked the beginning of mass politics in Ecuador and because, as in other Latin American nations, it was a period of failed democratization (Bethell and Roxborough ; Rock ).
James studies the social history of the Argentine working class between and , showing how Peronism arose and how the workers contributed its development. Although James recognizes the explanatory power of approaches emphasizing the instrumental rationality of workers, he questions the validity of the economistic vision of history common to such perspectives. Peronism may have responded to the material needs of the working class previously ignored, but that does not explain why this response occurred within Peronism rather than in other political movements that also addressed the workers.
Pueblo. Por la reestructuración moral y democrática de la república. Pueblo. “ ” A la victoria. Pueblo. Contra la oligarquía. (Braun , ) Durkheimian sociology has interpreted massive political acts as rituals that evoke a sense of belonging. During populist political meetings, elements of the participants’ and the leader’s identities are activated and reorganized. The audience recognizes themselves in the leader and projects onto him the solution of their demands and aspirations; in addition, they identify with each other.