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By Robert G. Dunn

"Identifying intake" illustrates how an individual's deciding to buy conduct are formed by means of the dynamics of the patron market - and therefore how intake and id tell one another. Robert Dunn brings jointly some of the theories of spending and develops a method of study targeting the person subjectivity of intake. by means of doing so, he addresses how we spend and its courting with prestige and way of life. Dunn offers a accomplished consultant to the examine of recent patron behaviour earlier than summarizing and critiquing the main theories of intake. At this juncture, he proposes a mode of research that makes a speciality of the importance of prestige and way of life in social family members which may support clarify how the patron market is formed. He concludes through elevating matters approximately other ways of eating and the connection among intake and identification.

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On the more critical side, in an account rivaling the commentaries of Marx and Lukacs, Simmel draws a decidedly negative picture of alienating social conditions, alluding to the “processes of fragmentation, atomization, objectification, reification, and standardization brought about by the division of labor” (Frisby 1990, 27). But more affirmatively, Simmel offers provocative suggestions for the liberating potentials of exchange relations. The separation of producer and product is accompanied by enlarged opportunities for the consumption of a vast array of new products and experiences inherent in an expanding marketplace.

The commodity form, more than a mere cause and symptom of alienation and source of false consciousness, invades the realm of everyday life, structuring and regulating the individual’s every response and movement. For Adorno and Horkheimer, the “fusion” of culture and entertainment creates a system of seemingly total and inescapable social control. , 167). , 163), of which advertising is a potent embodiment, the authors see in mass culture the essential features of fascism. , 147). This gloomy and ominous evocation of Weberian and Lukacsian images of modernist rationalization frames the character of consumer culture, and the fate of the self, in a singularly negative fashion.

Simmel regards objects, not labor, as the vehicle of self-realization and therefore turns to commodities’ potentials for fulfilling the needs and desires of the individual. The characteristics of commodity culture address the needs both of “variety and change” and “familiarity”; these dual needs are articulated in a “specific form that the value of objects requires, . . differentiation and particularity . . (and) . . a certain comprehensiveness, frequency and permanence” (Simmel 1990, 72–73).

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