By H.A. Hellyer
Amid the turbulence of the 2011 Arab uprisings, the progressive rebellion that performed out in Cairo's Tahrir sq. created excessive expectancies ahead of rushing the hopes of its contributors. The upheaval ended in a series of occasions in Egypt that scarcely someone may have anticipated, and important few have understood: 5 years on, the prestige of Egypt's unfinished revolution is still shrouded in confusion. energy shifted palms speedily, first from protesters to the military management, then to the politicians of the Muslim Brotherhood, after which again to the military. The politics of the road has given option to the politics of Islamist-military détentes and the undoing of the democratic test. in the meantime, a burgeoning Islamist insurgency occupies the military in Sinai and compounds the nation's experience of uncertainty.
A Revolution Undone blends research and narrative, charting Egypt's trip from Tahrir to Sisi from the viewpoint of an writer and analyst who lived all of it. H.A. Hellyer brings his first-hand event to undergo in his evaluate of Egypt's scan with protest and democracy. And by way of scrutinizing Egyptian society and public opinion, Islamism and Islam, the army and executive, in addition to the West's response to occasions, Hellyer presents a much-needed appraisal of Egypt's destiny prospects.
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Additional resources for A revolution undone : Egypt's road beyond revolt
Raging street battles then ensued long into the night as protesters confronted these regime-aligned thugs. It was like a cheap scene from an old 1940s blockbuster movie, but it was deadly. It also could not have been won without the contribution of Muslim Brotherhood (MB) members who came out (unofficially) to support the uprising that day, as well as the rag-tag warriors of the Ultras, largely young football fans with a storied history of clashing with police. Both these groups would later, to varying degrees of success, call upon their contributions that day to argue for their postuprising legitimacy.
That is not to say that the powerless are always right, but that the function of the genuine writer is to call to account, and it is the powerful that deserve most to be called to account. That was true of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces when it ruled Egypt from the front; it was true of Muhammad Mursi when he was a president for a time; and it will be true for all those in authority. Indeed, it sometimes applies to criticising those who have momentary physical power—or ideational power, as did the ‘revolutionary trend’ of 2011 and onwards—but those with material capacity and power must always take precedence in this regard.
The centre of the square, of course, was totally covered in tents and signs, where different political forces and trends slept and rested, and talked and discussed. Yet they were there and they were identifiable. â•… I could see, for example, that on the western side of the area in front of the Mugamma there was a group of Azhari preachers, decked out in their quintessential style, with the imama (turban) and the jubba (cloak). They were making du’a—supplicating for the victory of the cause. Religion was never absent in the square, despite the notion that some out of the country held that the protestors were a bunch of ultra-Westernised secularists.