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By Christopher Maginn

William Cecil, eire, and the Tudor State explores the advanced dating which existed among England and eire within the Tudor interval, utilizing the lengthy organization of William Cecil (1520-1598) with eire as a motor vehicle for old enquiry. That Cecil, Queen Elizabeth's such a lot depended on consultant and crucial determine in England after the queen herself, continually dedicated his consciousness and huge energies to the dominion of eire is a seldom-explored element of his lifestyles and his position within the Tudor age. but amid his dealing with of a huge collection of concerns when it comes to England and Wales, the dominion of Scotland, continental Europe, and past, William Cecil's innovations frequently became to the dominion of eire. He in my opinion compiled genealogies of Ireland's Irish and English households and poured over dozens of nationwide and neighborhood maps of eire. Cecil served as chancellor of Ireland's first college and, most significantly for the historian, penned, bought, and studied hundreds of thousands of papers on matters on the subject of eire and the crown's political, monetary, social, and non secular guidelines there. Cecil could have understood all of this largely as 'Ireland matters', a subject matter which he got here to grasp in better intensity and aspect than an individual on the court docket of Queen Elizabeth I.

Maginn's prolonged research of Cecil's lengthy courting with eire is helping to make experience of Anglo-Irish interplay in Tudor instances, and indicates that this dating was once characterised through greater than the fundamental binary beneficial properties of conquest and resistance. At one other point, he demonstrates that the second one 1/2 the 16th century witnessed the political, social, and cultural integration of eire into the multinational Tudor country, and that it used to be William Cecil who, greater than the other determine, consciously labored to accomplish that integration.

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Henry’s arrival at this conclusion was greatly influenced by financial concerns. ‘To be plain unto you’, the king explained to Surrey, to spende so moche money for the reduccion of that lande, to bring the Irishry in apparaunce oonely of obeisaunce, without that they shulde observe our lawes, and resourte to our courtes for justice, and restore suche dominions as they unlaufully deteigne from Us; it were a thing of litle policie, lesse advauntage, and leste effecte. The king could recommend such a course because many of the Irish leaders had, according to Surrey, come before him and recognized Henry VIII ‘as their Soverain Lorde’.

61 62 30 England and Ireland victory at Flodden, is unclear (to judge by the vague instructions given to Surrey to ‘reduce’ the lordship ‘to obedience and good order’ it is unlikely that Henry knew himself ). 64 Surrey, at the head of a small military retinue and armed with several pieces of artillery, arrived in Dublin late in May 1520. He found the English Pale beset by plague and generally impoverished. It is clear from the earl’s correspondence with the king and with Cardinal Wolsey that he knew little of the land he was sent to govern.

6 With the exception of a handful of powerful clans which could exert influence on a regional level, however, politics and power in Irish society were, by the later Middle Ages, highly decentralized by contemporary western European standards (and exceptionally so by English standards). Irish chiefs ruled their individual lordships, or ‘countries’ as they were then known in English, as independent political units, though weaker clans were frequently vassals of their more powerful neighbours. Militarily, even the most powerful chiefs—or the combinations of them that formed from time to time— were no match for the might of the combined force of the English crown and its subjects.

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