By Christian Delporte
Les Allemands parlent de langue de béton, les Chinois de langue de plomb, les Cubains du tac-tac… Quel que soit le nom coloré qui los angeles désigne, los angeles langue de bois prospère sous toutes les latitudes. Comme si elle était devenue, à nos yeux fatigués, l’expression même de l. a. politique. Courte vue ! l. a. langue de bois a bel et bien une histoire, que Christian Delporte fait commencer en 1789 : avec los angeles Révolution française, pour los angeles première fois, les mots deviennent infâmes ou nobles indépendamment de leur sens, suscitant un paintings oratoire magnifique d’ennui.
En URSS, en Allemagne nazie comme dans les démocraties populaires, l. a. langue de bois connaît des développements virtuoses, avec des variantes très efficaces en Afrique et au Maghreb. Quel que soit le régime politique, elle s’épanouit particulièrement en temps de guerre : de Napoléon à George Bush, en passant par 14-18 et les « événements » d’Algérie, le bourrage de crânes recourt aux mêmes options pour voiler une défaite ou déguiser une retraite en victoire. Et en période de crise, l. a. langue de bois sait déployer des ressources insoupçonnées pour tourner autour du pot, qu’elle invite pudiquement à los angeles rigueur ou claironne l. a. sortie du tunnel. Sa dernière invention, qui fera date, c’est le parler-vrai : l. a. langue de bois finira bien par nous persuader qu’elle est morte, tant nos politiques font d’efforts pour parler aujourd’hui, disent-ils, comme tout le monde…
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Additional resources for Une histoire de la langue de bois
Example text
Trying to establish this possibility is the point of Davidson's discussion, following Quine, of the field linguist and radical translation (or interpretation). Of course, the philosopher's interest in this situation is not at all the same as that of the field linguist.
Even so, we have no trustworthy means of deciding what to accept as the truth other than what goes on in that conversation. For, as we have seen, "nothing counts as justification unless by reference to what we already accept, and . . there is no way to get outside our beliefs and our language so as to find some test other than coherence" (PMN, 178). Given this, saying that a belief is true in any sense other than its being "justified to the hilt" (saying, for example, that it corresponds to the way reality is in itself) is to pay it an empty compliment.
Epistemological behaviorism seems to erase the boundary between objective knowledge and subjective opinion. 12 This account fits Rorty's purposes in two ways. , a neutral observation language or a priori methodological rules) that we can use to resolve scientific disagreements. This is Kuhn's doctrine of incommensurability, which corresponds to Rorty's rejection of privileged representations. Second, Kuhn locates the ultimate source of science's cognitive authority in the consensus of the scientific community, a view that corresponds to Rorty's insistence on the primacy of conversation (reason-giving as a social practice).