By Tavis Smiley
In 2006, Tavis Smiley—along with a workforce of esteemed contributors—laid out a countrywide course of action to handle the 10 most important matters dealing with African Americans.The Covenant, which grew to become a number one New York Times bestseller, ran the gamut from wellbeing and fitness care to felony justice, cheap housing to schooling, balloting rights to racial divides. yet a decade later, Black males nonetheless fall to police bullets and brutality, Black ladies nonetheless die from preventable illnesses, Black childrens nonetheless fight to get a top quality schooling, the electronic divide and environmental inequality persist, and American towns from Ferguson to Baltimore burn with frustration. briefly, the decade has noticeable the evaporation of Black wealth, with Black fellow voters having misplaced floor in approximately each major financial category.
And so in those pages Smiley demands a renewal of The Covenant, providing the unique motion plan along new information from the Indiana collage tuition of Public & Environmental Affairs (SPEA) to underscore ignored possibilities and the paintings that continues to be to be performed. whereas lifestyles for much too many African american citizens continues to be a fight, the nice freedom fighter Frederick Douglass was once correct: "If there's no fight, there is not any progress."
Now is the time to eventually convert the rigors and tribulations of Black the USA into the growth that every one of the USA yearns for.
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Additional info for The Covenant with Black America - Ten Years Later
Sample text
The answer would require the following: (i) determining if the content of these urban structures, their practice, and not only their spatial appearance, is effectively the same; (ii) assuming that one does not confuse a mode of production with a political regime, seeing to what extent there is an articulation of different modes of production in each socialist society, especially at the level of the division of labour, and of course recognising the presence, in varying degrees, of the capitalist mode of production; (iii) establishing the theoretical basis for analysis of a society in transition, for we do not yet have the equivalent of Marx's Capital for societies in transition; 54 (iv) elaborating a theory of the determination of urban space by different types of articulation of the modes of production in a post-capitalist society in transition, 55 and being thus in a position to explain, for example, why there is strong urbanisation in the Soviet Union and disurbanisation in China, or, again, why the underurbanisation in Hungary plays a very different role from that in Cuba.
The high level of growth in this period was accompanied by an accentuation of social disparities which are not compensated by the state, whose activity is concentrated on aid to private capital accumulation. But this growth produces a triple crisis: economically, because of the decline in the profitability of capital, relative to the general world level, thus provoking the recession of Ig67; socially, with the new blossoming of movements of revolt in Ig68; politically, with the abandonment of de Gaulle, who had become an encumbrance, by the larger French capitalists in I969.
26 Particularly revealing in this sense is the criterion of limiting the access of immigrant workers to public housing (in France they cannot have more than 6. 75 per cent whereas they comprise 30 per cent of the construction workers); equality in housing is thus skewed and the allocation of public housing leads to new disparities. 27 In the same way the ability to manoeuvre inside the bureaucratic network of public assistance in order to win one's case is a socially determined cultural acquisition and the ability to 'make it' is nothing other than the capacity for adaptation to a certain model of behaviour prescribed by dominant values.