By John Harriss
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2002). The third set of factors raises questions about how and at what level(s) actors mobilise support for their policies. In other terms: what is the mode of political inclusion? Nicos Mouzelis (1986) has suggested that we may distinguish historically ‘between the integration of people into politics on the basis of relatively autonomous broad popular movements generated by comprehensive economic development (as in many parts of Western Europe), and the elitist incorporation of people with less solid organisations of their own’ (Törnquist 1999: 155).
Henk Schulte Nordholt critically examines the assumption that Indonesia is undergoing a transition from authoritarian centralist rule by a strong state towards a new democratic and decentralised system of governance in which civil society will play a prominent role. Nordholt challenges the simplistic notion of ‘transition’ as a fundamental and irreversible shift from one situation to another and especially the expectation that decentralisation reforms will automatically produce local democracy.
The extent and nature of political competition is another vitally important factor. Heller has shown how political competition has influenced the extent and character of democratic decentralisation in Porto Alegre and Kerala on the one hand as compared with South Africa on the other. The compulsions of political competition drove the Workers’ Party in Porto Alegre and a substantial New Local Politics of Democratisation 19 number of members of the CPI-M in Kerala to try to reach out to new political constituencies through decentralisation, whereas, he argues, ‘in the absence of countervailing forces, either in the form of viable opposition parties or autonomous social movements the African National Congress has succumbed to the centralising and autocratic tendencies of the iron law of oligarchy’ (Heller 2001: 157).