By Donald Southgate
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Extra resources for The Conservative Leadership 1832–1932
Example text
He shared most of the prejudices of the landed aristocracy in WELLINGTON AND PEEL 1832-1846 37 which birth had given him a humble position and fate a conspicuous one; but he was not a political Tory pure and simple. His experience was too wide, his administrative sense too strong, his freedom from partisanship too great for his actions to be tied to a predictable political path. In his refusal to serve under Canning in 1827 he was moved by personal distrust rather than public policy. When he was summoned to form a ministry in 1828 - the fourth in less than a twelvemonth - it was because of his personal prestige and authority in a shattered political world.
This responsibility is direct and inescapable, in view of the principle that the national party machinery and the task of co-ordinating its activities with those of the parliamentarians should be firmly under the leader's control. It was for this principle that Salisbury, carrying Northcote in tow, battled with Randolph Churchill and Gorst after Disraeli's death. Because of this direct and inescapable responsibility, blame must fall upon Disraeli in his last years and upon Balfour throughout his period as leader for neglect of duty.
This, no doubt, shows that Balfour was astute, rather than compassionate, but it shows that he was no Bourbon. It may be argued that Balfour's sins of omission in matters relating to social and trade union legislation are the negative side of a coin whose positive side, though not electorally advantageous to the party he led, was statesmanlike. Balfour may have missed golden opportunities to wean working-class support from a divided Liberal party which lacked credibility with the electorate. He may have flouted, in 1902-3, the golden rule of political leadership - 'Divide and Rule'.