By Jürgen Habermas
L'Union européenne est-elle désormais contre los angeles démocratie?
Avec l'épisode du référendum grec et l'effroi qui saisit tous les dirigeants de voir un peuple, auquel on avait imposé une medication problématique, entrer en résistance, l. a. crise de los angeles dette a révélé le déficit démocratique des associations européennes. Jürgen Habermas nous alerte sur les risques que prend l'Europe à s'engager dans une voie 'postdémocratique' pour régler los angeles query de l. a. dette des can pay de l. a. area euro.
L'union monétaire européenne ne disposant pas d'un contrôle supranational à sa mesure, les dirigeants allemand et français veulent une collaboration intergouvernementale renforcée. Le Conseil européen doit s'employer à l. a. mettre en position. Ce changement en apparence minimum devrait se traduire par une perte innovative de contrôle des Parlements nationaux sur les lois de funds ; cette réforme insidieuse asphyxierait petit à petit le poumon de los angeles démocratie à l'échelle nationale, sans que cette perte soit compensée au niveau européen.
Le processus grec ouvre-t-il le passage d'une Europe de gouvernement à une Europe de los angeles 'gouvernance' – joli euphémisme pour désigner une forme dure de domination politique, qui ne repose que sur le fondement faiblement légitimé des traités internationaux?
La 'démocratie d'un seul pays' n'est plus à même de se défendre contre les injonctions d'un capitalisme forcené, qui franchissent, elles, les frontières nationales. Il faut avancer vers et dans los angeles structure de l'Europe, pour que les peuples regagnent des latitudes d'action au niveau supranational, sans pour autant sacrifier l. a. démocratie.
La crise de l'Europe des gouvernements doit conduire à l. a. structure d'une Europe des peuples.
Telle est l. a. conviction de Jürgen Habermas dans ce petit traité de démocratie, vif, tonique et constructif.
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Extra resources for La constitution de l'Europe
Sample text
He wrote with detached authority and insight, and considered the wider issues: Italy’s intentions, the economic consequence of waging war, and the interest of other nations. What was lacking was the chaotic confusion and foreboding of fascism that dominated Palmer’s prose. Crawford may have briefly described the ‘irrational emotional enthusiasm, a nationalistic fervour reluctant to count the cost or take a realistic view of the situation’. But he underestimated the essence of fascism and the most basic implications of both Mussolini and Hitler.
When the College performed Aeschylus’ tragedy, Agamemnon, he considered its central themes of vengeance and destiny as being paralleled in Spain. The earlier strain of overwork in temporary jobs, however, and the pressure from home had weakened his resolve, so he abandoned the research project before the Rockefeller Committee delivered its final decision. 121 In a letter applying for the position as tutor to Stephen Roberts at Sydney University in 1935, Crawford offered a slightly altered version of events.
Early in May 1936, the Popular Front of the left (made up of Republicans, Socialists, Anarchists and Communists) won a majority in the national elections. The Spanish electorate rejected dictatorship, the church and the monarchy. On 17 July, the Spanish generals rebelled, and the right decided to overthrow the elected Government. The country erupted in a prolonged and bitter civil war. Germany and Italy assisted Franco, while England and France adopted a non-interventionist policy, and Russia’s support for the republicans remained ambiguous.