By Karen A. Mingst
Crystal-clear insurance of the options and theories that scholars have to know―in a concise, reasonable format.
The 5th version bargains extra methods than ever to assist scholars study and practice the center rules within the box. New co-author Ivan Arreguín-Toft brings services in protection experiences to key subject matters like battle and terrorism, aiding scholars see how students use ideas and thought to appreciate them. Newly accelerated worldwide views packing containers use the thoughts in every one bankruptcy to aid scholars imagine past an American-centric perspective on modern matters.
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Additional info for Essentials of International Relations, Second Edition (The Norton Series in World Politics)
Sample text
26 Making the Political and about those who continued to think within its categories, was its conflation of ethical virtue with the capacity to effect political good – a logical fallacy that he explicitly blames on Confucianism (ZQJ 181). Moral goodness does not always result in political efficacy, Zhang realizes, and being “selfless” in the way many contemporary political leaders recommended often resulted in sacrificing oneself not for the greater good but for the power plays of political elites.
For example, Zhang explicitly defended British parliamentarism against the American-style presidential system promoted by Sun Yat-sen (ZQJ 104–127). The paradigmatic examples here are Rawls, Political Liberalism, and Pettit, Republicanism. Making the political 23 here. Zhang’s more salient concern is promoting citizen involvement in polity-building, given the absence of even minimal consensus, stable political signs, and social cohesion in the nascent Chinese Republic. These are primarily problems of founding, and they implicate him more closely in democratic discourses about the nature and sites of political action than in liberal or republican discourses about the promotion of liberty.
He saw his own work as an important corrective to particular Confucian tenets embodied in the institutional apparatus of the late empire, particularly those which in his view conflated loyalty to the emperor with loyalty to the Chinese political community as a whole, and those that effectively invalidated both the agency and the contributions of the common people. 36 Zhang does so by emphasizing the legitimacy of an enlightened selfinterest, developing concepts such as “talent” and “self-awareness” that bear strong resemblances to late imperial critiques of the “public good” made by Huang Zongxi (1610–1695), Gu Yanwu (1613–1682), Dai Zhen (1724–1777), and others.