By John G. T. Anderson
Average background, the planned commentary of our surroundings, is arguably the oldest technological know-how. From simply functional beginnings as a fashion of discovering foodstuff and preserve, typical heritage advanced into the holistic, systematic learn of crops, animals, and the panorama. Deep issues out of Darkness chronicles the increase, decline, and supreme revival of traditional heritage in the geographical regions of technology and public discourse. Ecologist John G. T. Anderson focuses his account at the lives and contributions of an eclectic crew of fellows and ladies, from John Ray, John Muir, Charles Darwin, and Rachel Carson, who persisted striking hardships and privations for you to study extra approximately their atmosphere. Written in an interesting narrative type and with an intensive bibliography of basic resources, the e-book charts the adventure of the naturalist’s exercise from prehistory to the current, underscoring the necessity for average background in an period of dynamic environmental switch.
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Additional resources for Deep Things out of Darkness: A History of Natural History
Example text
100. Il est vrai que Ward Goodenough est plus nuancé : « la description ethnographique exige des méthodes pour traiter les phénomènes observés de telle façon que nous puissions construire une théorie de la manière dont nos informateurs ont organisé le même phénomène. C’est la théorie, et pas seulement le phénomène, que la description ethnographique vise à présenter » (« Cultural anthropology and linguistics », 1957, cité par W. Sturtevant, op. cit. , p. 100). 50 que chaque lexème possède au moins un trait définitionnel en commun avec tous les autres - trait qui caractérise le domaine de référents dont le lexème dépend et qui autorise, en contexte na turel, sa permutation avec les autres lexèmes au sein du champ - et un trait distinctif qui oppose le lexème à l’ensemble de ceux qui lui sont apparentés.
Ainsi, la production de subsistances est-elle une réponse aux besoins du métabolisme ; la parenté, aux besoins de la reproduction ; l’abri, aux besoins de bien-être corporel, etc. Réponses bien peu éclairantes car, même au ni veau élevé de généralité où se place ici Malinowski, chacune d’entre elles peut correspondre à plusieurs besoins et chaque besoin peut appeler plusieurs réponses : hygiène et protection sont des réponses culturelles tout aussi adéquates que l’abri au besoin de bien-être corporel, tandis que les fonctions de protec tion et d’abri servent à assurer la santé tout autant que le bienêtre corporel et la sécurité.
Là encore, la caractérisation des besoins apparaît, au rebours de la logique, comme une justification fonctionnelle a posteriori de la réponse qu’ils appellent, la nature de la cause étant présupposée par la définition de l’effet. L’incapacité dont fait preuve Malinowski de remonter du fait social à sa base organique est constitutive de tout finalisme fonc tionnel, car plus le besoin hypothétique placé à l’origine d’une institution possède un caractère général, moins il a de valeur explicative.