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By Emily Mackil

In the traditional Greece of Pericles and Plato, the polis, or city-state, reigned superb, yet by the point of Alexander, approximately 1/2 the mainland Greek city-states had surrendered a part of their autonomy to affix the bigger political entities known as koina. within the first booklet in fifty years to take on the increase of those so-called Greek federal states, Emily Mackil charts a posh, attention-grabbing map of the way shared non secular practices and long-standing fiscal interactions faciliated political cooperation and the emergence of a brand new form of kingdom. Mackil offers a close old narrative spanning 5 centuries to contextualize her analyses, which specialize in the 3 best-attested parts of mainland Greece—Boiotia, Achaia, and Aitolia. The research is supported via a file of Greek inscriptions, every one textual content followed via an English translation and commentary.

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Extra resources for Creating a common polity : religion, economy, and politics in the making of the Greek koinon

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But there is no evidence for this hostile takeover: Ducat 1964: 286–88, 1971: 439–42, and 1973: 64. 8. Persistence of epichoric forms: Peek 1933: 51–52; G. P. Edwards 1971: 196–97. Cf. Janko 1982: 14, 48; Shapiro 1984a: 43. It is thus striking that the Shield is so often read for the light it sheds on Athenian politics in the sixth century, frequently in relationship to the popularity of the subject on Athenian vases ca. 570–480; see Shapiro 1984a, b. 9. Aspis 104–5, trans. Athanassakis. 10. 2465, found at Thebes, gives Poseidon the epithet Empylēos.

Bintliff 2002: 212) speculates that this hierarchy of settlements emerged out of a desire to create territories capable of supplying the needs of the largest settlement (or central place). There is much to recommend this view, but it is predicated on the assumption that such “central places” were virtually autarkic and had little interaction with the world beyond their territories, which does not fit with the fuller evidence from later periods in Boiotian history. See below, pp. 267–73. 3. Thespiai is not mentioned in Hes.

The selection is certainly idiosyncratic, reflecting those practices and institutions that seem to me most important for a full and nuanced understanding of both the nature of the Greek koinon and its developmental trajectory over the course of the archaic, classical, and Hellenistic periods. It is also selective in its geographical focus: excluding interesting and comparable texts from Lokris, Thessaly, and the Chalkidike, among other regions, in favor of a fairly representative collection of relevant documents from the three koina that form the focus of this study and that also happen to provide us with the richest epigraphic evidence.

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