By Atossa Araxia Abrahamian
The cosmopolites are actually "citizens of the world," from the Greek be aware kosmos, that means "world," and polites, or "citizen." Garry Davis, aka global Citizen No. 1, and author of the realm Passport, used to be a former Broadway actor and international conflict II bomber pilot who renounced his American citizenship in 1948 as a sort of protest opposed to nationalism, sovereign borders, and conflict. this present day there are cosmopolites of all stripes, wealthy or negative, intentional or unwitting, from 1-percenters who personal 5 passports because of tax-havens to the Bidoon, the stateless humans of nations just like the United Arab Emirates. Journalist Atossa Abrahamian, herself a cosmopolite, travels worldwide to fulfill the folks who've come to include an more and more fluid, without boundary lines world.
Along how you are brought to a colourful solid of characters, together with passport-burning atheist hackers, the recent Knights of Malta, California libertarian "seasteaders," who're citizens of floating city-states, Bidoons, who've been compelled to be voters of the island country Comoros, marketers within the enterprise of shopping for and promoting passports, cosmopolites who live to tell the tale a luxurious cruise send referred to as The World, and shady businessmen with ties to Syrian dictator Bashar al Assad.
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Additional info for The Cosmopolites: The Coming of the Global Citizen
Sample text
Taken together, differentiation and subordination would seem to yield hierarchy. Whereas Tocqueville describes the ways that the integrating tendencies of democracy complement the isolating tendencies of equality, in these texts it becomes a question of complementing the freedom and equivalence generated by capitalism with social hierarchy. However, I will argue, capitalism does not simply entail freedom and equivalence. In fact, it is precisely in generating and legitimating social hierarchy that “community” supplements (enables, fills a void in) capitalism.
But Putnam goes further, and this is the crucial point: he argues that the health of democratic states and economic prosperity both depend on social capital, saying, “The social capital embodied in norms and networks of civic engagement seems to be a precondition for economic development, as well as for effective government” (“Prosperous Community,” ). In arguing that economic progress (he means but doesn’t say capitalist economic progress) and “democracy” depend on community (or rather on the hegemony-producing functions of community), The Supplementarity of Community with Capital 13 he points to the supplementary, and not merely complementary, role that community plays in relation to capitalism, and thus begins to make my argument for me, although he does so as a fan of capitalism, where I will do so as a critic.
While Agamben claims that “[whatever being] is neither apathy nor promiscuity nor resignation” (), in working to evoke “the impotent omnivalence of whatever being” (), he excludes the possibility of articulating even contingent subjects and political goals. He celebrates the Tiananmen protests for “the relative absence of determinate contents in their demands (democracy and freedom are notions too generic and broadly defined to constitute the real object of a conflict . )” (). While I generally disagree with those who argue that poststructuralist theory promotes political passivity or paralyzing relativism, Nancy and Agamben would certainly seem to offer grist for that complaint since in fact they do quite explicitly promote passivity.