By Chris Wrigley
This choice of essays, all released for the 1st time in English, supply a clean examine the serious years of 1917-1920 while progressive task and working-class unrest was once rife in Europe. Written via prime gurus within the box, the gathering provides large eu insurance, interpreting advancements within the rural provinces and key towns of either Western and important Europe within the interval after the nice struggle. In-depth experiences examine the motives and quantity of protest, the criteria which contributed to its preliminary good fortune and failure and the impression of the propertied sessions and re-establishment of the previous order. The creation and end draw the essays jointly, giving a transparent account of the vital issues and setting up the comparative constitution of the publication. The essays offer significant assurance of an important interval of recent background and will elevate many new questions on the occasions of these years.
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Extra info for The Challenges of Labour: Central and Western Europe 1917-1920
Sample text
This the sailors knew; and after years cooped up in port with lousy rations and no sympathy from their officers they mutinied. 36 Dick Geary Subsequently armed sailors rescued their imprisoned colleagues from gaols. Thus began the revolution. Not much of a revolution, many have commented: the sailors had immediate grievances but little desire to change the political world. They were concerned with rations, the release of their friends and above all not to have to fight. Such a view contains a great deal of truth; but it is also far too simple.
Through mobile flying squads they spread revolutionary initiatives throughout the Reich, appearing in Essen, Brunswick, Frankfurt am Main and even Munich. In Berlin the People’s Naval Division (Volksmarine), led by Heinrich Dorrenbach, had contacts with both the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and some of the Spartacists. 23 In the first ten days of November 1918 the revolution spread the length and breadth of Germany. In Munich, for example, the Wittelsbach monarchy was replaced by armed groups of workers and soldiers under the leadership of the Independent Social Democrat intellectual Kurt Eisner, ironically one of the leading advocates of the revisionist cause before 1914.
It was then not until late December 1918 that they left this organisation to participate in the foundation of the German Communist Party (KPD). Such a position was miles removed from Leninist insistence on the necessity of revolutionary purity, the creation of a vanguard party and the tactics of ‘revolutionary defeatism’. Closer to the Bolsheviks both in terms of personal contacts and political position were other radical groups which broke from the mother party early in the war: the Hamburg Left, the Bremen Left, which included Anton Pannekoek, and the so-called German International Socialists led by Julius Borchardt, based around the journal Die Lichstrahlen and with some not insubstantial support in the Berlin districts of Teltow and Charlottenburg.