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By Francis Byrne, John Holm †

Chosen papers from the Society for Pidgin and Creole linguistics.

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151) galan (p. 151) molo (p. 151) batala (p. 151) bilibi (p. 153) yulu (p. 156) bele (p. 158) kili (. 158) Normal Ndjuka Maawina gaan moo bataa biibi yuu bee kii Marowijne (River) big, grand more bottle believe hour (D. uur) belly, family kill One can only guess at the reasons for the unexpected presence of intervocalic / 1 / in these texts. Since most of the texts are taken from letters addressed to a Dutch missionary, it is possible that the letter-writers were attempting to "Srananize" their messages by adding liquids to certain words (although many other words in the texts appear in their normal form, without intervocalic liquids).

See Dubelaar & Pakosie (1988) for further information on Afaka. 13. If it were to be found that the forms with intervocalic / 1 / posited by Smith (1977: 53-54) as examples of Proto-Maroon creole in fact belong to a more general PSC stage ancestral to modern Sranan as well, then the occasional occurrence of such forms in Aluku could of course be seen as evidence that Aluku is closer to Sranan than is Ndjuka. 14. In this sense, it might be said that Ndjuka is phonologically more "advanced" than Aluku, just as many Ndjuka forms are spoken of as being more advanced than the corresponding Sranan forms.

Hancock, Ian F. 1980. Lexical expansion in creole languages. In Theoretical orientations increolestu­ dies. , 63-88. New York: Academic Press. Hancock, Ian F. 1986. A preliminary classification of the Anglophone Atlantic creoles. ,71-102. Holm, John. 1986. Substrate diffusion. , 259-278. Holm, John. 1988. Pidgins and creoles. Volume I: Theory and structure. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press. Holm, John. 1989. Pidgins and creoles. Volume II: Reference survey. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer­ sity Press.

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